II-4

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    <strong>2.4 OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLES</strong>

    I have never met with a maher in England or America, who hath not fessed his opinion that a separatioween the tries, would take plae time or other:  And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgement, than in endeav to describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness of the ti for independence.

    As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time.  But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH FOUND US.

    The general currehe glorious union of all things prove the fact.

    It is not in numbers, but in unity, that reat strength lies; yet our present numbers are suffit to repel the force of all the world.

    The ti hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in whio single y is able to support itself, and the whole, when united,  aplish the matter, aher more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects.  Our land force is already suffit, and as to naval affairs, we ot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an Ameri man of war to be built, while the ti remained in her hands.  Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hen that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the try is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.

    Were the ti crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings uhe present circumstances would be intolerable.  The more seaport towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose.  Our present numbers are so happily proportioo our wants, that no man need be idle.

    The diminution of trade affords an army, and the ies of an army creat<mark>藏书网</mark>e a rade.

    Debts we have none; and whatever we may tra this at will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue.   we but leave posterity with a settled form of gover, an indepe stitution of its own, the purchase.. any price will be cheap.  But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage.  Such a thought is unworthy of a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling politi.

    The debt we may tract doth not deserve ard, if the work be but aplished.  No nation ought to be without a debt.

    A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no i, is in no case a grievance.  Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions i.  And as a pensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the tweh part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again.  The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling.

    The first and sed editions of this pamphlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is just.

    [See Entiaval history, intro.  page 56.]  The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months boatswains and carpenters seastores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the navy.

    [pounds Sterling]   For a ship of a 100 guns-   35,553 90   --   29,886 80   --   23,638 70   --   17,795 60   --   14,197 50   --   10,606 40   --7,558 30   --5,846 20   --3,710   And from he is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the whole British navy, whi the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory sisted of the following ships and guns:  Ships.  Guns. Cost of one.Cost of all 6 -   100   -35,553- 213,31812 -90   -29,886- 358,63212 -80   -23,638- 283,65643 -70   -17,785- 764,75535 -60   -14,197- 496,89540 -50   -10,606- 424,24045 -40   - 7,558- 340,11058 -20   - 3,710- 215,180 85 Sloops, bombs,  and fireships, one 2,000170,000  with another, _________  Cost  3,266,786  Remains funs,_________  233,214_________3,500,000   No try on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as America.  Tar, tim<dfn></dfn>ber, iron, and ce are her natural produce.  We need go abroad for nothing.  Whereas the Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Puese, are obliged to import most of their materials they use.

    We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of erce, it being the natural manufactory of this try.  It is the best money we  lay out.

    A navy when finished is worth more than it cost.  And is that nice point in national policy, in whierd prote are united.  Let us build; if we want them not, we  sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.   In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should he sailors.

    The Terrible privateer, Captaih, stood the hottest e of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her plement of men wards of two hundred.

    A few able and social sailors will soon instruct a suffit number of active landmen in the on work of a ship.  Wherefore, we never  be more capable to begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ.  Men of war of seventy ay guns were built forty years ago in New-England, and why not the same now?  Ship-building is Americas greatest pride, and in which she will in time excel the whole world.

    The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and sequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her.

    Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe hath either su extent of coast, or su internal supply of materials.

    Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to Amerily hath she been liberal of both.  The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from the sea: wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and ce are only articles of erce.

    In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet?  We are not the little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have trusted our property ireets, or fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows.  The case now is altered, and our methods of defense ought to improve with our increase of property.  A on pirate, twelve months ago, might have e up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant tribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happeo other places.

    Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns might have robbed the whole ti, and carried off half a million of money.

    These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the y of naval prote.

    Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up Britain, she will protect us.   we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? on sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others the most improper to defend us.

    quest may be effected uhe pretence of friendship; and ourselves after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery.  And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us?  A navy three or four thousand miles off  be of little use, and on sudden emergencies,  all.

    Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves?  The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth part of them are at any oime fit for serviumbers of them not in being; yet their names are pompously tinued in the list,  f only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are fit for service,  be spared on any oation at oime.

    The East a Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britaiends her claim, make large demands upon her navy.

    From a mixture of prejudid iion, we have tracted a false notion respeg the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to enter at once, and for that reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; whiot being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to disce inning thereon.  Nothing  be farther from truth than this; for if America had only a tweh part of the naval force of Britain, she would be by far ach for her; because, as we her have, nor claim any fn dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to ohe advantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and the same distao return in order to refit and recruit.  And although Britain, by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the ti, is entirely at its mercy.

    Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval for time of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a stant navy.

    If premiums were to be given to merts, to build and employ in their service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merts) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on stant duty, would keep up a suffit navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly plained of in England, of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks.  To uhe sinews of erd defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into each others hand, we need fear ernal enemy.

    In almost every article of defense we abound.  Hemp flourishes even to rankness, so that we need not want ce.  Our iron is superior to that of other tries.  Our small arms equal to any in the world.

    on we  cast at pleasure.  Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day produg.  Our knowledge is hourly improving.  Resolution is our i character, and ce hath never yet forsaken us.  Wherefore, what is it that we want?  Why is it that we hesitate?  From Britain we  expeothing but ruin.  If she is once admitted to the gover of America again, this ti will not be worth living in.

    Jealousies will be always arising; insurres will be stantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them?  Who will venture his life to reduce his own trymen to a fn obediehe differeween Pennsylvania and ecticut, respeg some unlocated lands, shews the insignifice of a British gover, and fully proves, that nothing but tial authority  regulate tial matters.

    Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, whistead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the prese, but to the stant support of gover.  No nation under heaven hath su adva this.

    The infant state of the ies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favour of independance.

    We are suffitly numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.

    It is a matter worthy of observation, that the mare a try is peopled, the smaller their armies are.  In military numbers, the as far exceeded the modems: and the reason is evident.  for trade being the sequence of population, men bee too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else.  erce dimihe spirit, both of patriotism and military defence.  And history suffitly informs us, that the bravest achievements were always aplished in the non-age of a nation.

    With the increase of erce, England hath lost its spirit.  The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to tinued insults with the patience of a coward.  The more men have to lose, the less willing are they to vehe rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.

    Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals.

    It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the ti into one gover half a tury hehe vast variety of is, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create fusion.

    y would be against y.  Each being able might s each others assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distins, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before.

    Wherefore, the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it.

    The intimacy which is tracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable.

    Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but our cord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable are for posterity to glory in.

    The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, whiever happens to a nation but once, viz. the time of f itself into a gover.

    Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been pelled to receive laws from their querors, instead of making laws for themselves.  First, they had a king, and then a form of gover; whereas, the articles or charter of gover, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity --TO BEGIN GOVER AT THE RIGHT END.

    When William the queror subdued England, he gave them law at the point of the sword; and until we sent, that the seat of gover, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where our property? As tion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all gover, to protect all stious professors thereof, and I know of no other business which gover hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are willing to part with, and he will be at delivered of his fears on that head.  Suspi is the panion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society.  For myself, I fully and stiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity ious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness.  Were we all of one way of thinking, ious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the sam<dfn>..</dfn>e family, differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.

    In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a tial Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of rementioning the subject, by , that a charter is to be uood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every separate part, whether ion, personal freedom, or property.

    A firm bargain and a right reing make long friends.

    In a fe I likewise mentiohe y of a large and equal representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention.  A small number of electors, or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous.

    But if the number of the representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased.  As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twe members only were present, all the Bucks ty members, bei, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members dohe same, this whole province had been governed by two ties only, and this da is always exposed to.

    The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last sitting, to gain an uhority over the delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands.  A set of instrus for the Delegates were put together, whi point of sense and business would have dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN BEHALF OF THE WHOLE Y; whereas, did the whole y know, with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.

    Immediate y makes many things ve, which if tinued would grow into oppressions.  Expediend right are different things.

    When the calamities of America required a sultation, there was hod so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this ti from ruin.

    But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a GRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves sideration.  And I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation aion is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess?  When lanning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not hereditary.

    It is from our ehat we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, Mr. wall (one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York Assembly with pt, because THAT House, he said, sisted but of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not with decy be put for the whole.  We thank him for his involuntary hoy.

    [Those who would fully uand of what great sequence a large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burghs political disquisitions.]   TO CLUDE, however stra may appear to some, or however unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing  settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open aermined declaration for independance. Some of which are,  FIRST. -- It is the  of nations, when any two are at war, for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: hut while America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed she may be,  offer her mediation.  Wherefore, in our present state we may quarrel on for ever.

    SEDLY. -- It is unreasoo suppose, that France or Spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the e between Britain and America; because, those powers would be sufferers by the sequences.

    THIRDLY. -- While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of fn nations.  be sidered as rebels.  The pret is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in arms uhe name of subjects; we, on the spot,  solve the paradox: but to unite resistand subje, requires an idea much too refined for on uanding.

    FOURTHLY. -- Were a mao to be published, ached tn courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the peaceable methods we have iually used for redress; declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any loo live happily or safely uhe cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to the y of breaking off all es with her; at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial would produce mood effects to this ti, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.

    Under our present denomination of British subjects, we either be received nor heard abroad: The  of all courts is against us, and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.

    These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time bee familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared, the ti will feel itself like a man who tinues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is tinually haunted with the thoughts of its y.

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